The Mexican Revolution: A Decade of Struggle and Transformation

The armed period of the Mexican Revolution lasted from 1910 to 1920, resulting in approximately one million deaths and exiles. People from all walks of life, including men, women, children, peasants, workers, military personnel, bourgeoisie, and politicians, participated in the conflict for or against central power to shape the Mexico we know today.

The roots of the Mexican Revolution can be traced back to the government of Porfirio Díaz, a Mexican army general who ruled as a dictator for over 30 years in a period known as the Porfiriato. Díaz's regime was characterized by a concentration of economic and political power, electoral fraud, and suppression of political dissent.

Porfirio Díaz aimed to modernize Mexico by surrounding himself with a group of politicians and technocrats known as 'científicos.' Despite achieving economic growth and canceling Mexico's debt with the United States, Díaz's policies led to social inequality, with a small wealthy elite and a large impoverished population.

During Díaz's rule, Mexico experienced regional disparities in economic growth, leading to a divided nation with a wealthy privileged few and a large impoverished population. Despite economic development and increased population, the benefits did not trickle down to the majority of the people, resulting in a stark wealth gap.

During the late 19th century in Mexico, economic growth was driven by industries such as mining for precious metals like gold and silver, as well as non-precious metals like copper, lead, and zinc. Additionally, agricultural and textile industries flourished, particularly in the Yucatán region where henequen became a major source of threads and salt production. The economy saw significant expansion due to the contributions of foreign companies, with the foreign-managed railway system extending throughout the country, connecting mining deposits in the north to ports and even crossing into the United States.

The Land Disentailment Law led to the displacement of indigenous communities as their lands were bought at low prices by haciendas. This forced many indigenous people to migrate in search of work, either to other regions or within haciendas where they became laborers for minimal wages and basic necessities. The haciendas established a system of dependency by selling goods at fixed prices and on credit, creating a structure of self-consumption that tied the peasants to the land.

Haciendas maintained control over laborers by restricting their freedom, offering meager wages, and providing basic necessities in exchange for work. The absence of the right to strike, censorship, and lack of political dissent created a society where workers were oppressed and had limited freedoms. The 'rurales,' a specific police force for rural areas, were used to suppress any signs of rebellion, further enforcing the dominance of the ruling class over the working class.

The enforcement of power by haciendas and the church was brutal, with severe punishments for theft, including public executions to instill fear and maintain control over the population. These fear tactics aimed to keep the community in a constant state of fear and submission, ensuring compliance with the oppressive social structure. The combination of peonage, slavery-like conditions, and unbearable work environments created a breeding ground for revolutionary sentiments against the Porfirio Diaz regime.

The oppressive conditions under the Porfirio Diaz regime led to widespread discontent among the population, sparking the emergence of brave individuals who challenged the status quo. The Flores brothers, political figures and journalists from Oaxaca, were among the first to transition from criticism to action, laying the groundwork for a revolutionary movement. The early 20th century witnessed a growing dissent in Mexico, culminating in armed expressions of resistance against the government's oppressive policies.

In 1908, President Díaz of Mexico expressed readiness to allow the people to choose their own leaders and retire at the end of his term, renewing hope for change among farmers and the Northern elite. Dissent grew against Díaz's centralized, dictatorial government that hindered political advancement.

In 1910, Bernardo Reyes, a key military figure in the Porfirio Díaz regime, faced opposition when Díaz chose a scientist as his successor. This led to Reyes becoming a significant electoral opponent, causing discontent within the regime and radicalizing dissenters.

Porfirio Díaz, fearing Bernardo Reyes' popularity, sent him on a disguised military mission to Europe, which Reyes reluctantly accepted. This move was a response to Díaz's mistaken belief that Reyes posed a significant threat, leaving both the upper and middle classes disheartened.

In 1910, Francisco Ignacio Madero, a wealthy and modern Coahuilan agricultural entrepreneur, emerged as a revolutionary figure despite his privileged upbringing. Educated in Europe and the United States, Madero's liberal beliefs and spiritual experiences led him to advocate for democracy and political freedom in Mexico.

After experiencing a spiritual revelation through a medium, Francisco Madero realized the importance of political involvement for Mexico's spiritual evolution. He founded the Anti-Reelectionist Party to challenge President Díaz, who had reversed his decision to retire and sought re-election, garnering support from disillusioned factions.

Francisco Madero faced genuine opposition, not just statistical growth, but also support from experienced political figures. This transformed his movement from an inexperienced civil society group to a politically engaged entity. Madero traveled extensively across Mexico from 1905 to 1909, establishing contacts with independent individuals and gaining significant support.

Francisco Madero aimed to achieve local autonomy for his state, which was hindered by the central government. His plan was to access political power after securing autonomy. Initially, Porfirio Díaz underestimated Madero's challenge, believing he could win rigged elections easily. However, Madero's opposition continued to grow, leading to his arrest on charges of rebellion and disrespect towards authorities.

The elections on June 21, 1910, saw Porfirio Díaz fraudulently re-elected as president. This event highlighted the lack of political and electoral solutions under the Porfirian regime. Unable to achieve his goals peacefully, Madero escaped from prison and sought refuge in San Antonio, Texas, where he formulated the Plan of San Luis Potosí.

The Plan of San Luis Potosí, devised by Francisco Madero in exile, set a precise date and time for the revolution to begin. It called for armed uprising on November 20, 1910, at 6:00 PM. The response to this call came not from urban areas or the politically disillusioned middle classes but from rural community leaders and peasants across the country, marking the start of the November 1910 revolution.

After the fraudulent elections of 1910, public sentiment in Mexico shifted, with hopes of a peaceful transfer of power from the dictator Porfirio Díaz fading. Francisco Madero, from the United States, distributed copies of the Plan of San Luis to anti-reelection political clubs, rallying them to join him in the fight. The response to Madero's call to arms came not from his former sympathizers but from rural groups with different objectives, such as land reform.

Emiliano Zapata, a leader in the Mexican Revolution, was born in San Miguel Anenecuilco, Morelos in 1879. He was a successful rancher from a middle-class background, known for his leadership qualities and extensive contacts due to his trading activities between different villages.

Zapata was elected president of the Junta de Defensa de las Tierras in 1909, after the elders of his village recognized his ability to navigate the crisis caused by land expropriation laws. He studied land rights documents and became an agrarian leader in Morelos.

Zapata's movement aimed to maintain the status quo and prevent further land transformations. He fought for the rights of peasants to their lands, advocating for land reform and defending the interests of the rural population.

Francisco Villa, born Doroteo Arango, and Pascual Orozco led an insurrection in Chihuahua. Villa, a charismatic figure, led a double life as an arriero and cattle rustler. Orozco, born on a hacienda, became a successful miner. Both men represented different social backgrounds but shared a common goal of opposing the government.

Pancho Villa, with his diverse social connections, represented a broader social spectrum. His movement focused on land and liberty, appealing to the lower classes. Historians debate the extent of his agrarian reform intentions, but his popularity among the masses was undeniable.

The Mexican Revolution began with multiple uprisings in different states like Chihuahua, Coahuila, Veracruz, Morelos, and Guerrero in response to the call of the Plan de San Luis. This marked the beginning of a significant period of social and political upheaval in Mexico.

While Zapata operated more as a guerrilla leader in the south, Villa commanded a large division of soldiers and engaged in major battles against the government in the north. Both leaders, despite their different approaches, were seen as champions of the oppressed and marginalized communities.

The social discontent among the lower, middle, and even some upper classes led to widespread support for the Plan de San Luis. The Zapatistas joined the movement due to the promise of returning usurped lands to the people, seen as an ancestral reclamation dating back to the conquest era.

Emiliano Zapata was named the supreme leader of the Southern revolutionary movement by all the revolutionary forces in Morelos. This appointment solidified his position as the head of the strategically important region near Mexico City, granting him power and influence.

The revolutionary activities in Chihuahua, led by Villa and Orozco, saw the dismantling of oligarchic structures. Villa's actions either destroyed these structures or forced them to pay constant exploitation fees. Despite this, Villa's inability to sever ties with the United States due to material support posed a contradiction.

The capture of Ciudad Juárez, against Madero's orders, marked a crucial turning point in the anti-reelectionist military struggle against Porfirio Díaz. This battle, fought in the northern border region, determined the fate of the country, showcasing how peripheral conflicts could shape the course of the revolution.

Following the takeover of Ciudad Juárez, opposition forces quickly conquered Northern regions like Chihuahua, Baja California, and parts of Veracruz. The Maderistas transitioned from guerrilla warfare to concentrated battles, gradually building up their strength to challenge the Federal army successfully.

The Federal army found itself overwhelmed as rebel forces, implicitly backed by the United States, gained strength. The US sent troops and ships to reinforce neutrality laws, leading Porfirio Díaz to realize his lack of support from both the US and certain elite classes.

In May 1911, in Ciudad Juárez, Madero and representatives of Díaz reached an agreement to end the conflict. Madero's political gamble was to end the Revolution there, assume the presidential power with the slogan 'effective suffrage, no reelection,' and kickstart modern Mexico's political life. He believed that another Revolution would be detrimental to Mexico as revolutionaries always demand a high price from the country for their services.

On May 25, 1911, Díaz resigned, and León de la Barra was appointed as the interim president to pacify the country and call for new elections. Díaz later left for Paris, where he passed away four years later. León de la Barra's provisional government, as per the agreement, was to last from May to November 1911, organizing general elections and handing over power.

Madero, as an interim president, aimed to stabilize Mexico politically. Despite some questionable moves, such as meeting with Zapata in Morelos while sending Federal troops to attack Zapata's forces, Madero managed to win the elections decisively and gain recognition. Pino Suárez became the vice president, and Madero assumed office on November 6, 1911.

Upon assuming the presidency, Madero implemented a law prohibiting the reelection of the president, vice president, and state governors. His government faced criticism for its openness to citizen liberties, leading to constant challenges and attacks from political cartoons and opposition forces. The Madero administration struggled against press scrutiny, legislative opposition, and ongoing conspiracies from Porfiristas.

Emiliano Zapata, a key figure in the revolutionary armies, particularly emphasized the need for local autonomy and self-governance in their states. Zapata strongly believed that President Madero should have returned the lands taken from the people by the haciendas to the villages. However, Madero insisted on a legal process for land redistribution, refusing to act outside the law.

Zapata and his followers retreated to the mountains of Puebla, where the Plan de Ayala was formulated. This plan addressed the dissatisfaction with Madero's failure to meet social demands, advocating for land redistribution with the central idea of 'land for those who work it.' The plan aimed at reclaiming communal lands and breaking the hacienda structure.

Facing uprisings in both the south led by Zapata and the north led by Pascual Orozco, Madero deployed the Federal army under General Victoriano Huerta to suppress the rebels. However, the government's biggest blow came from within the army itself, as remnants of the Porfirista army staged a military coup in Mexico City, leading to violent clashes known as the 'Decena Trágica.'

During the 'Decena Trágica,' General Huerta, in collusion with the rebels, orchestrated a political maneuver to arrest and force President Madero's resignation. Madero and Vice President Pino Suárez were detained, with Huerta eventually ordering their transfer to the Federal District jail. However, en route, the military staged a fake attack and executed Madero and Suárez, solidifying Huerta's power as the new president.

Following Madero's assassination, Huerta assumed power, establishing a dictatorship in Mexico. This marked a new phase of the revolution, with Huerta's regime characterized by bloodshed and repression. The old Maderismo movement evolved in response to Huerta's brutal rule, setting the stage for further conflict and upheaval in the country.

Victoriano Huerta's government demonstrated similarities to the economic policies of the previous regime under Porfirio Díaz. Huerta sought loans from abroad during a time of economic decline, but instead of aiding the country's economy, a significant portion of the funds were allocated to bolster the military's power to quell upcoming rebellions.

During this period, iconic images of the Mexican Revolution emerged, depicting revolutionary groups traveling on trains, including women known as Las Adelitas. Large army units were established, leading to intense battles and combat, making this armed phase of the Mexican Revolution notably more brutal than the initial phase.

This phase saw the emergence of crucial military figures in the revolutionary process, such as Venustiano Carranza in Coahuila and Madero in Chihuahua. These leaders maintained legality and gathered various guerrilla groups, forming a broad front of different social classes to combat the old regime.

Victoriano Huerta encountered significant military challenges, including opposition from the Zapatistas in the south and militias led by Francisco Villa in Chihuahua. Meanwhile, Venustiano Carranza's influence grew among revolutionaries, emphasizing the importance of regional governors like Carranza in the revolutionary movement.

The Mexican Revolution featured a diverse leadership, not solely composed of peasants but also including individuals from high or middle-class backgrounds with ties to economic or political elites. Leaders like Madero and Carranza represented different social strata, showcasing the varied composition of the revolutionary movement.

Venustiano Carranza initiated the Plan of Guadalupe, calling for the overthrow of Victoriano Huerta to restore constitutional order. Carranza's group, known as the Constitutionalists, attracted regional leaders like Pancho Villa, forming a political alliance to combat Huerta's regime and bring about political change.

Initially in 1913, the United States viewed Venustiano Carranza as a moderate leader controlling the northern region of Mexico, where American investments were concentrated. The U.S. preferred negotiating with Carranza due to his political experience and legality, rather than with more unpredictable revolutionaries like Pancho Villa or Emiliano Zapata.

In April 1914, President Woodrow Wilson ordered the occupation of Veracruz by the U.S. to prevent potential conflicts between Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Villa, as well as to stop European arms shipments to the Huerta government. The invasion aimed to influence the outcome of the Mexican Revolution and secure American interests.

Emiliano Zapata's agrarian movement persisted in Morelos, while Pancho Villa's Division del Norte intensified its military actions. The constitutionalist armies advanced towards Mexico City through multiple routes, including Sonora, Sinaloa, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas, and Chihuahua, with Villa leading a significant force towards the capital.

The capture of Zacatecas marked the beginning of the rift between Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Villa. Carranza's generals failed to take Zacatecas, leading to tensions with Villa, who felt obstructed by Carranza's reluctance to share military glory. This event highlighted the diverging interests and leadership styles within the constitutionalist movement.

The Battle of Zacatecas was a significant event during the Mexican Revolution, where the armies of Carranza and Villa, along with the Zapatista guerrillas, cornered the government of Huerta. This battle marked the breaking point for the Federal Army, known as 'El espinazo del ejército.' Huerta eventually fled on July 14, 1914.

On August 20, 1914, Venustiano Carranza entered Mexico City, assuming the provisional presidency of the Republic as outlined in the Plan of Guadalupe. This marked a new phase in the revolutionary process, with the constitutionalists taking control of the city.

Following his assumption of the presidency, Carranza sent General Álvaro Obregón to negotiate with Pancho Villa for recognition of his government. Villa and Zapata, however, maintained an offensive stance towards Carranza, setting the stage for future conflicts among the revolutionary factions.

The Mexican Revolution saw a typical pattern of alliances among revolutionary armies to overthrow the common enemy, the old regime represented by Victoriano Huerta. Once the old regime was defeated, internal conflicts arose as each faction, led by Villa, Zapata, and Carranza, sought to impose their revolutionary models.

In October 1914, Carranza attempted to convene a meeting of revolutionary leaders in Mexico City, but Villa and Zapata refused to participate due to Carranza's control over the capital. The convention was moved to Aguascalientes, where tensions rose as Zapata demanded Carranza's resignation from power.

The approval of the Plan of Ayala at Aguascalientes posed challenges for Carranza, as the assembly favored the more radical factions of the Revolution led by Villa and Zapata. Carranza and Obregón's proposals were rejected, leading to their retreat from the capital towards Veracruz.

During the Revolutionary Convention, Eulalio Gutiérrez emerged as a key figure capable of negotiating with both Villa and Zapata, allowing the two leaders to withdraw with their troops. Despite Gutiérrez's efforts, the political power remained divided between the factions of Villa and Zapata.

From July to December 1914, Mexico City experienced a tumultuous period with shifts in power between constitutionalists and the armies of the convention led by Villa and Zapata. The city lacked organized authority, with Zapatista forces occupying southern neighborhoods and Villa's troops establishing themselves on the outskirts. Villa even sent a letter to Zapata expressing a desire for fraternal unity before entering the capital.

In December 1914, Eulalio Gutiérrez assumed the role of provisional president in Mexico City. However, the attention of the crowd shifted to the arrival of General Emiliano Zapata, with cheers resonating as Zapata's entourage approached. The meeting between Zapata and Villa at the Palacio de Sochimilco highlighted their inexperience in politics and their preference for revolutionary life over governance.

Despite being depicted in a famous photograph sitting in the presidential chair, Villa and Zapata displayed a lack of interest in governance. Their actions, such as laughing and mocking the symbol of power represented by the chair, reflected their disinterest in political leadership. Their return to their respective territories further emphasized their reluctance to hold power.

Villa and Zapata, despite having the potential to be great rulers, lacked ambition and a clear political vision. Their brief stints in power were marked by personal ambition but a notable absence of political foresight. Eulalio Gutiérrez's betrayal and subsequent ousting by Villa underscored the chaotic political landscape of the time.

Following Gutiérrez's flight from power, Villa and Zapata seemed to have gained the upper hand. They assembled a formidable army and prepared to counterattack, initiating a crucial phase of the Mexican Revolution. The conflict escalated into a showdown between Villa, Zapata, and Carranza's forces, marking a pivotal moment in Mexican history.

In January 1915, Eulalio Gutiérrez saw the Villistas seize control of Mexico City, signaling a shift in the Revolution's fate towards Villa and Zapata. However, Venustiano Carranza from Veracruz began a strategic political campaign, dividing popular armies and gradually gaining control of key productive areas, leaving Villa and Zapata as guerrilla groups.

General Álvaro Obregón, under Carranza's command, launched a campaign in the north to dismantle Villa's army. The military operations lasted months, causing severe consequences for a population already suffering from 5 years of war, leading to a collapse in the sugar industry and a significant decline in production and population.

President Wilson of the United States urged all revolutionaries to make peace for the benefit of the Mexican people. Despite the call for reconciliation, Carranza's forces, numbering 100,000, outnumbered Villa's 40,000 and Zapata's 20,000, leading to continued conflict and Carranza's eventual military victories over the Villistas and Zapatistas.

Carranza shifted his focus to addressing social issues by enacting agrarian laws and proposing reforms previously overlooked by his administration. By attending to agrarian concerns and establishing a state policy, Carranza aimed to diminish Zapata's influence, who lacked a comprehensive state-building vision.

In October 1915, a Pan-American meeting concluded that Carranza's party possessed the essential elements for recognition as the de facto government in Mexico. This international legitimization solidified Carranza's position while diminishing the military strength of Villa and Zapata, who were reduced to nominal forces.

Rebeldes, led by Carranza, came to power in 1915 after defeating Panchovilla in significant battles that determined the outcome of the Revolution. Villa and Zapata's lack of cooperation, Carranza's military strategies, and alliances with international support were key factors in their triumph.

Carranza strategically prioritized defeating the Villistas before the Zapatistas, weakening Villa's military efficiency by forcing him to face multiple fronts. Carranza's military success was also attributed to the leadership of General Obregón, known for his strategic acumen and ability to build alliances.

After dissolving his army, Villa resorted to guerrilla warfare, adopting radical tactics against the United States. His actions, like cutting telegraph lines and creating obstacles, aimed to provoke the U.S. into defining their foreign policy based on his actions, portraying him as a formidable adversary.

Zapata's assassination on April 10, 1919, at the Hacienda de Chinameca by soldiers under the command of Pablo González marked the end of his revolutionary leadership. His death, orchestrated as a betrayal, led to his body being displayed in Mexico City by the Carranza government, fueling the myth of the Caudillo del Sur.

Despite debates over the authenticity of Zapata's death, his legacy transcends historical details for the Mexican people, especially those in Morelos. Zapata's greatness as a revolutionary leader remains paramount, symbolizing resistance and the fight for social justice beyond mere factual accuracy.

General Álvaro Obregón separated from Carranza's government in 1920 and led a military uprising, forcing Carranza to flee the capital. Obregón gained power after Carranza's death in Puebla. He received crucial support from surviving Zapatista army members, negotiating their allegiance and entering Mexico City as president.

Álvaro Obregón served as president from 1920 to 1924. During his term, he conducted a purge, ordering the assassination of at least a dozen revolutionary leaders to ensure state pacification. He collaborated with his successor, Plutarco Elías Calles, to eliminate the threat posed by the former revolutionary leader, Villa.

In 1923, Álvaro Obregón orchestrated the ambush and shooting death of Pancho Villa through a secret police operation. Villa was killed in an attack with 150 rifle shots while traveling in a car near Canutillo. The assassination involved local gunmen and had connections to wealthy individuals in Parral.

By 1923, the Mexican Revolution had exhausted its momentum. The failed rebellion of the guu artists in 1923 marked the end of the revolutionary period, characterized by a mix of conservative and reactionary forces. The revolution resulted in approximately one million deaths, the establishment of a somewhat progressive constitution, but ultimately a victory for conservative factions within the revolutionary movement.

After the revolution in Mexico, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) was formed in 1946 to reorganize the country, holding power until 2000. Land reforms were delayed until General Lázaro Cárdenas initiated a significant land distribution program in the 1930s, marking a shift in agrarian policies.

Following the deaths of revolutionary leaders like Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa, they transitioned from myths to national heroes in Mexico. Their personas were utilized by the state to foster social cohesion and national identity, shaping the narrative of the revolution.

In the late 1920s and early 1930s, Mexican cinema, literature, and novels began portraying an idealized image of the revolution, blending reality with fiction. This artistic representation contributed to the construction of a heroic image of figures like Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata, perpetuating their mythic status.

Since 1923, a popular myth surrounding Pancho Villa has been cultivated, depicting him as a defender of the people against oppression. The myth portrays Villa as a symbol of resistance and justice, embodying the ongoing spirit of the revolution in Mexican society.

The legacy of Pancho Villa endures, with his final resting place serving as a symbol of remembrance and reverence. Despite the passage of time, Villa's memory remains vivid in the collective consciousness, reflecting his enduring impact on Mexican history and culture.